Last week, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) 聽addressing its stance on Rule 50鈥攊.e. the section of the Olympic Charter which stipulates that, among other things, 鈥渘o kind of demonstration or political, religious, or racial propaganda is permitted in any Olympic sites, venues, or other areas.鈥 Stating that the purpose of the rule was to protect the 鈥渘eutrality of sport,鈥 the IOC published a three-page document to help clarify how Rule 50 would be implemented and enforced at the 2020 Games in Tokyo.
In brief, Olympic athletes are prohibited from engaging in any acts of protest on the field of play, in the Olympic Village, or at any of the Olympic ceremonies. Athletes are allowed to 鈥渆xpress their views鈥 on social media, at press conferences, and in the mixed zone. The IOC notes that 鈥渆xpressing views is different from protests and demonstrations.鈥 Examples of the latter include: 鈥渁ny political messaging鈥 and 鈥済estures of a political nature.鈥
How does the IOC justify its vehement policing of all things political? The official answer is that in a divided world, the Olympics are supposed to represent a kind of safe space (both literal and symbolic) from global conflict. Per the IOC, any athlete who uses the Olympic platform to broadcast a personal agenda is compromising the sanctity of the occasion and effectively ruining it for everyone else. In its press release, the world governing body engaged in a little preemptive activist shaming: 鈥淲hen an individual makes their grievances, however legitimate, more important than the feelings of their competitors and the competition itself, the unity and harmony as well as the celebration of sport and human accomplishment are diminished.鈥
Shockingly, not everyone has been willing to give the IOC the benefit of the doubt on this. Over the past week, the organization has been repeatedly taken to task for claiming that the Games are apolitical.
鈥淥f course sport and politics are intertwined,鈥 the Guardian鈥檚 Sean Ingle , echoing a point George Orwell . 鈥淭he Olympics, after all, is partly a giant willy-waving contest between nations,鈥 Ingle added. Needless to say, the 鈥渨illy-waving鈥 is rarely confined to the field of play; it鈥檚 become routine for every Olympics to 聽about what a nation鈥檚 medal tally says about things like GDP and other metrics of national prosperity.
Earlier this week, Olympic bronze medalist John Carlos 聽and made the point that forbidding political gestures was itself a political act.聽Carlos, of course, was involved in what has arguably become the most recognizable act of protest聽in the history of the Games when he raised his fist with Tommie Smith on the medal podium in Mexico City in 1968.聽鈥淸The IOC is] way out of line with this,鈥 Carlos said. 鈥淭he silencing of people is political.鈥
The example of Carlos and Smith鈥檚 famous protest speaks to a hypocritical aspect of the IOC鈥檚 stance. As I wrote last year, the organization and its affiliated national committees are more than happy to co-opt the political elements of the Games if they can be used to burnish the Olympic brand. See: the US Olympic Committee鈥檚 induction of Carlos and Smith into its official Hall of Fame last November for 鈥渃ourageously standing up for racial injustice,鈥 or 聽citing the 2018 Winter Games as the principal reason that tensions have cooled between North and South Korea.
Finally, and not to harp on about what should be blatantly obvious to anyone paying attention, casting the Olympics as a politically neutral event is to willfully ignore how much it costs to put on one of these two-week shindigs. The Games are the epitome of what anti-Olympics activist Jules Boykoff cynically refers to as 鈥渃elebration capitalism,鈥 i.e. a phenomenon where host cities take on enormous levels of debt from which private contractors (rather than the general public) often reap the benefits. There鈥檚 a reason, after all, that many cities are saying 鈥渘o thanks鈥聽to the prospect of hosting the Olympics, and it isn鈥檛 that everyone hates race-walking. (As Boston鈥檚 Mayor Marty Walsh put it when his city withdrew its bid for the 2024 Games, 鈥淚 refuse to mortgage the future of the city away.鈥)
I wonder if there鈥檚 not a more fundamental flaw in the way the IOC is cleaving to Rule 50. At least from where I sit, it seems like the governing body is trying to address a problem that doesn鈥檛 really exist. 鈥淚t is a fundamental principle that sport is neutral and must be separate from political, religious or any other type of interference,鈥 the IOC notes in its athlete guidelines.
What constitutes 鈥渋nterference鈥 here? Given the types of political protest we鈥檝e seen from athletes in Olympiads past, it鈥檚 difficult to see how these 鈥渄iminish the accomplishments鈥 of others or degrade the competition. Indeed, one of the remarkable things about the John Carlos/Tommie Smith protest in 鈥68 was that the other guy on the podium鈥攊.e. Peter Norman, the silver medal winner from Australia鈥攙oluntarily took part in the protest by donning an Olympic Project for Human Rights badge in solidarity.
To cite a more recent example, at the 2016 men鈥檚 marathon in Rio, Ethiopia鈥檚 聽just as he was securing a second-place finish. The gesture was meant as a sign of solidarity with the Oromo, his country鈥檚 largest ethnic group, who were being subjected to from the (Tigray-dominated) Ethiopian government at the time. It鈥檚 hard to think of a more overtly political act and flouting of Rule 50, and yet the first and third place finishers in the race鈥攏amely Kenya鈥檚 Eliud Kipchoge and the American Galen Rupp鈥攄idn鈥檛 seem to notice. (While we鈥檙e at it, when Rupp, who is Catholic, finished the race seconds after Lilesa, he , but it鈥檚 doubtful that anyone interpreted this as religious propaganda.)
Will we see similar acts of protest this summer in Tokyo? The joke will be if the IOC鈥檚 stern warning ends up inadvertently inspiring more athletes to take a stand. Or a knee.