Tim Dickinson Archives - 国产吃瓜黑料 Online /byline/tim-dickinson/ Live Bravely Thu, 24 Feb 2022 19:17:31 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.7.1 https://cdn.outsideonline.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/favicon-194x194-1.png Tim Dickinson Archives - 国产吃瓜黑料 Online /byline/tim-dickinson/ 32 32 Electric Bugaboo /outdoor-adventure/environment/electric-bugaboo/ Thu, 22 Apr 2010 00:00:00 +0000 /uncategorized/electric-bugaboo/ Electric Bugaboo

LOGGERS FELLING PRIMEVAL sequoias, oil barons raising derricks like so many middle fingers on the horizon, Japanese dolphin hunters engaged in horrific bloodsport—environmentalists have rarely had any trouble identifying the bad guy. But as America embarks on a clean-energy moon shot, scaling up massive solar and wind projects, the black-and-white ethics that have guided greens … Continued

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Electric Bugaboo

LOGGERS FELLING PRIMEVAL sequoias, oil barons raising derricks like so many middle fingers on the horizon, Japanese dolphin hunters engaged in horrific bloodsport—environmentalists have rarely had any trouble identifying the bad guy.

Solar plants and Wind farms

Solar plants and Wind farms One group went so far as to label solar plants and wind farms “domestic terrorism”

But as America embarks on a clean-energy moon shot, scaling up massive solar and wind projects, the black-and-white ethics that have guided greens since the days of Rachel Carson appear suddenly…quaint. There’s a new and widening fault line within the movement itself. On one side: environmentalists seeking to stave off a climate holocaust by fast-tracking renewable-power development. On the other: environmentalists determined to protect important habitat and sacred landscapes, no matter what.

These conflicts, playing out in town halls, courtrooms, and the U.S. Senate, pit vast solar arrays against desert tortoises in California; towering wind turbines against sage grouse in the northern Rockies; and an offshore wind farm against Native American waters near Cape Cod. They’ve been billed in the media as a case of Green v. Green. Which is true. But this isn’t some internecine spat among the Prius set.

The fact is, alternative energy is no longer alternative. It’s big business, backed by giants like Bechtel and Goldman Sachs.

This is a good thing.

If the U.S. is going to break its dependence on coal and oil, we’re going to need massive renewable-energy projects and all the capitalist spirit we can marshal. And, yes, we’re going to have to do some building on sensitive landscapes. Leaders of most of the big environmental groups—the Sierra Club, the Natural Resources Defense Council, and the National Wildlife Federation—get this. They know that unchecked pollution and rising global temperatures will decimate the wild world, so they’re willing to sacrifice some of the public lands that they would have fought tooth and nail to protect a generation ago. Not that it’s easy.

“This challenges people. Hell, it challenges me!” says Carl Zichella, director of the Sierra Club’s renewable-energy program for the West. “But we can’t not do it.”

Yet many conservationists, especially on the local level, aren’t buying in. Having spent their lives fighting developers, they refuse to let any into their backyards now, even if they’re wearing green hard hats. Instead, they’re resorting to the same obstructionist tactics honed over decades of fighting polluters. A manifesto from a group calling themselves People Only Wanting Energy Responsibility (POWER!) declared: “Big Solar, wind farms, hydroelectric plants, along with the necessary transmission lines are nothing less than Domestic Terrorism being perpetrated on…our Desert Southwest’s premier wildlands.”

According to Colorado-based energy analyst Randy Udall, “Renewable-energy developers are running headlong into half a century of very successful environmentalist opposition to large energy projects.” Udall has a name for this kind of shortsighted obstructionism: stopology.

JOHN WOOLARD IS NOT a man environmentalists should be trying to stop. The 45-year-old CEO of BrightSource Energy, a solar-power company based in Oakland, California, grew up kayaking in Virginia and spent an epic post-college summer living out of his truck in California, working as a rafting guide. After a stint leading trips on Zimbabwe’s croc-infested Zambezi, he entered grad school in the early nineties intending, he recalls, “to fight all the bad corporations.”

That orientation began to shift during Woolard’s studies at the Institute for Environmental Negotiation, a group at the University of Virginia that looks for market incentives to solve environmental problems. He became obsessed with energy efficiency while earning an M.B.A. at Berkeley, and his first startup, Silicon Energy, identified energy savings for industrial clients equivalent to two massive coal plants. Woolard cashed out in 2003 and became a venture capitalist, seeking opportunities to “decarbonize” America’s electric works. “I was looking for something that could actually make a difference,” he says.

His quest led him to BrightSource, a solar-thermal startup founded by Arnold Goldman, who pioneered solar in California in the seventies. Solar thermal can generate vastly more energy than photovoltaics, at a lower cost. BrightSource’s version involves a 1.5-mile-wide circle in the desert, packed with concentric rings of seven-by-ten-foot mirrors, each mounted on a steel post. These “heliostats”—66,000 of them—track the sun like android sunflowers, concentrating light on a boiler tower some 45 stories tall, superheating steam to drive a turbine. (To ensure consistent output even on cloudy days, the steam can also be heated by natural gas from a 1,000-square-foot complex below the tower.) Line up three of these circles on an axis and you can produce 392 megawatts—enough to power Pasadena, with 400,000 fewer tons of CO2 emissions than from a coal-fired plant.

In the lingo of Silicon Valley, this is disruptive technology, meaning that, kilowatt for kilowatt, it’s cost-competitive with new natural-gas plants—even without factoring in the costs of pollution. Not surprisingly, BrightSource has attracted backing from Chevron, Google, and Morgan Stanley and is under contract with California’s largest utilities to produce 2.6 gigawatts of power.

Of course, any installation covering five square miles of desert is also plain disruptive. But this is where having a CEO with a master’s degree in environmental planning makes a world of difference. “From the beginning, we set down fundamental principles that we would seek the lowest environmental impact,” Woolard tells me when we meet in his 21st-story boardroom, with a panoramic view of the San Francisco skyline.

BrightSource wants its plants far from critical wilderness and close to preexisting electrical-transmission and gas pipelines. Its design calls for heating and cooling water in a closed loop, using a 25th of the water of a traditional steam-driven solar plant. And unlike the previous generation of plants, BrightSource won’t blade the desert to create a level surface for its panels.

For one of its initial sites, BrightSource target=ed Broadwell Dry Lake, a dust bowl of federal land outside Barstow that was once proposed as a nuclear-waste dump. Out of view from two interstates, bisected by transmission lines and crisscrossed by dirt roads, next to a gas pipeline, and—most important—close to Los Angeles, it seemed an ideal spot.

But try telling that to David Myers, director of the Wildlands Conservancy, a California nonprofit that’s fought BrightSource as though it were ExxonMobil. “You couldn’t pick a worse place to put solar,” says Myers, who believes the project would displace migration routes of wildlife from surrounding wilderness. In the nineties, Wildlands raised $45 million to subsidize the government’s acquisition of Broadwell, among 266,000 acres of desert formerly deeded to the Southern Pacific Railroad, with the understanding that it would be preserved.

How serious an impact would the plant really have? We’ll never know. Last fall, Senator Dianne Feinstein—herself a fierce defender of the California desert and the main reason there’s a Joshua Tree National Park—effectively blocked development at Broadwell when she included it in a proposed Mojave Trails National Monument. The senator’s move, made after lobbying by Wildlands and other groups, killed not only BrightSource’s installation but a dozen other renewable projects across the Mojave.

File this one under They Just Don’t Get It: The 941,000-acre monument would celebrate not only desert wilderness but also car culture, preserving what a Wildlands press release called “the most pristine, undeveloped remaining stretch of historic Route 66.”

RENEWABLE-ENERGY proponents eager to act now are furious when tripped up by fellow environmentalists. They’ve raced to engineer technology that allows them to compete with fossil fuels—the tipping point greens have been waiting for—only to be undercut by their closest allies. “We finally come up with a solution,” says a top climate advocate who spoke on condition of anonymity, “and now it’s our own side that’s killing us!”

The infighting is both splintering traditional alliances and producing strange bedfellows. The Sierra Club is eager to see BrightSource break ground at another site, Ivanpah, a plot of degraded former grazing land in the Mojave, down the road from a golf resort and just across the state line from a pair of Nevada casinos and a natural-gas plant. But last fall, the Club’s own Desert Committee sought to block Ivanpah, because it would force the relocation of a handful of endangered desert tortoises and cover up several square miles of what committee chair Terry Frewin calls “viable habitat”—a fuzzy designation that can be applied to all sorts of land. Frewin says he applauds the national Sierra Club’s drive to eliminate the use of coal in America but doesn’t want the desert “to be sacrificed for that goal to be met.”

Meanwhile, in the northern Rockies, where the struggling sage grouse could easily have been turned into the next spotted owl, the Sierra Club and NRDC are partnering with wind developers to help them mitigate habitat loss. “People are willing to work with us because we’re approaching these issues from the context of solving problems,” says Carl Zichella. On the other side, Wyoming’s Northern Laramie Range Alliance, a group fending off “outside interests…trying to industrialize our pristine mountain country,” has been linked to oil-drilling businesses.

I understand where the conservationists are coming from: It makes no difference to a sage grouse if its habitat is destroyed by an oil derrick or a wind turbine. But even if you don’t fault them for failing to see the big picture—that climate change is a greater threat than renewable-energy development—it’s hard to excuse those who reflexively oppose big projects simply because they’re big.

As Frewin admits, “If anything, it’s the size of these things that shake most of us up.” In the mind’s eye of a hardcore conservationist, the new age of clean energy is all about rooftop solar panels and windmill hats. The reality is that we do need those kinds of small contributions, just like we need all the energy efficiency we can muster, but they’ll hardly be enough. “The bitter truth is that we’re going to need to do large-scale renewable energy,” says Zichella, “and that’s something people have been very reluctant to accept.”

But why? Consider the thousands of square miles flattened in the quest for Appalachian coal or under lease to oil and gas developers. To succeed, renewable-energy advocates have to fight big with big. “The notion that if we just cover rooftops, we can leave the deserts alone, that we don’t need new wind farms, and don’t need to build new transmission lines—that doesn’t pass the mathematical sniff test,” says Udall. “What I say to these people is: Buy a calculator. Run the numbers. We’re going to have to scale up renewable energy in a way we can hardly imagine.”

IF THERE’S ONE POINT of agreement, it’s that there are no easy answers. “It’s fascinating,” says Woolard. “The environmental community is at this soul-searching moment where everyone is trying to figure out, What the hell do we do?”

Fortunately, the solution isn’t an endless horizon of solar plants and wind farms. America’s energy needs could be met, for example, by the solar power generated from less than 2 percent of the U.S. land area. There’s enough exploitable wind in this country to power the nation nine times over.

If projects could be sited according to unified scientific standards that protect vital habitat and uncommon “viewscapes,” the renewable revolution could proceed without all the Sturm und Drang. Problem is, there are no such standards. So every project gets bogged down by NIMBYism and a tangle of overlapping bureaucracies. “At the end of the day,” says Woolard, “there’s not a single project of any size or scale moving forward without environmental opposition.”

State and federal governments helped make the mess by offering rich incentives for renewable development without providing the rules of the road. The feds are now slowly catching up. The Interior Department has streamlined interagency reviews for renewable-energy proposals, and the Obama administration has established 1,054 square miles of Solar Energy Study Areas, including land in the Mojave, intending to pre-clear appropriate areas. “We can do this right, in less time, without cutting corners in environmental law if we just get better organized,” says Zichella. “That’s what they’ve done.”

And some projects are moving forward. In February, BrightSource downsized Ivanpah by nearly 50 megawatts to mitigate the loss of tortoise habitat. A week later, the Department of Energy blessed the project with nearly $1.4 billion in provisional loan guarantees.

The bad news? The biggest battles are still to come. So far, renewable-energy projects have been feeding power into an existing network of transmission lines that’s quickly maxing out. Placing new lines, which don’t have the feel-good vibes of wind turbines or solar panels, will be a dogfight. Scaling up to just 20 percent wind power will require building nearly 20,000 miles of new transmission lines, subject to the resistance of every municipality through which they pass.

“We’re trying to get things built with the least amount of controversy,” says Zichella, “but the one thing I’ve learned in three years of trying: Everything is harder than it seems.”

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Wha’s so Funny? /outdoor-adventure/whas-so-funny/ Tue, 27 Mar 2007 00:00:00 +0000 /uncategorized/whas-so-funny/ Wha's so Funny?

IMAGINE THAT WRITERS for The Daily Show staged a hostile takeover of Sierra magazine. Earnest reports on climate change and organic foods would get repackaged with devilish irreverence. There would be jokes about Superfund sites, tree huggers, and the plight of endangered species. Al Gore would be a huge fan and a favorite whipping boy. … Continued

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Wha's so Funny?

IMAGINE THAT WRITERS for The Daily Show staged a hostile takeover of Sierra magazine. Earnest reports on climate change and organic foods would get repackaged with devilish irreverence. There would be jokes about Superfund sites, tree huggers, and the plight of endangered species. Al Gore would be a huge fan and a favorite whipping boy. People under 40 might actually read it.

grist.org

grist.org We're trying to focus on the environment as it relates to normal people's lives, says Giller.

grist.org

grist.org Roberts's salary came courtesy of the Grist Grapefruit Challenge, a pledge drive during which staffers ate nothing but grapefruit.

Which is to say, you’d probably end up with something a lot like Grist.

An online magazine published out of a 1920s high-rise in downtown Seattle, Grist.org is reshaping green journalism by luring a younger and wider audience with an approach that’s not so much dumbed down as smart-alecked up. The site’s offerings include feature stories, interviews, an advice column, and a blog, though it’s best known for the Daily Grist, which summarizes the top environmental news from the mainstream and alternative press in snackable blurbs.

Each is slugged with a trademark punny headline, which range from goofy (“Hey, Poacher, Leave Those Squids Alone”) to painful (“It Takes a Pillage to Raze the Wild”). When Yao Ming, the seven-foot-six-inch NBA star from China, took a stand against his country’s shark-fin harvesters last August, Grist declared, “No Soup for Yao!” In June, UPS’s announcement that it was testing hybrid delivery trucks inspired “Nice Package.”

The point behind the gags, says Chip Giller, Grist’s tousled 36-year-old founder and president, is to get past the “crust of cynicism” that often surrounds environmental problems. Grist doesn’t aim to make light of the issues indeed, Giller seems personally weighted by them but to make their details (and solutions) more palatable. As Giller puts it, “Humor is an effective way to get people to engage.”

Adam Werbach, the former wunderkind president of the Sierra Club who now runs a nonprofit promoting sustainable living, agrees, likening Grist to “a gateway drug.” Readers hooked by the Onion-y headlines find themselves reading serious reports on such unfunny subjects as biofuels and environmental justice stories that would seem right at home in the pages of The Ecologist or Mother Jones.

In the current frenzied era of Wal-Mart organics, hybrid Chevy roadsters, and a million DVD copies of An Inconvenient Truth, Grist has also embraced green consumerism while renouncing what Giller calls the “historic hippie aspects” of environmentalism.

“We’re trying to focus on the environment as it relates to normal peoples’ lives,” he says. “What they purchase, where they live, what they drive. Not something out there that they go visit occasionally.” Which, Giller says, is why Grist provides “less worshipful language about the caribou in ANWR” and more answers to everyday questions, like the one recently posed to Grist’s lifestyle-advice column, Ask Umbra: “Can I recycle a beer bottle if there’s a lime wedge in it?” (Yep. Just drop it in the bin.)

While the snark attracts a youthful crowd more than half of Grist’s 750,000 regular readers are in their twenties and thirties the underlying substance draws praise from veteran reporters and activists.

“As far as I know, every working environmental journalist in the country reads Grist as their tip sheet,” says Bill McKibben, author of The End of Nature and a Grist board member.The Washington Post’s Juliet Eilperin, who covers Capitol Hill and the environment, credits the Daily Grist with giving her a useful “lay of the land,” while New York Times science writer Andrew Revkin calls Grist’s original stories “serious” and “substantive.” Sierra Club executive director Carl Pope says the site has “raised the bar” for other green publications.

Grist has also become a unique forum for debate, a space where “people talk to each other across the walls of the movement,” says McKibben. In 2005, Grist republished Michael Shellenberger and Ted Nordhaus’s bombshell polemic, “The Death of Environmentalism,” which argued that greens were fading into irrelevance by failing to adequately confront global crises like climate change, thensolicited point-by-point rebuttals from the heads of the Sierra Club, the Natural Resources Defense Council, and the National Environmental Trust. More recently, on the Gristmill blog, staff writer David Roberts argued that a Revkin piece in the Times lent credence to industry “shills” who were downplaying the threat of global warming. Revkin fought back in the comments section and even mixed it up with Grist readers.

Revkin and Eilperin both point out that Grist doesn’t often produce groundbreaking news. But the site’s reputation as a comedic lesser light can prove effective at disarming tight-lipped officials. In a January interview with Grist, Representative John Dingell a powerful, gruff Michigan Democrat and staunch defender of the U.S. auto industry who chairs the House committee in charge of federal fuel-economy standards flatly admitted that his district’s parochial concerns aren’t trumped bythe national interest.

“I’m an American. And I gotta help my country,” he said. “But in a like fashion, I’ve gotta help my own constituents.”

Grist’s strange brew of wonkery and wit can also cause plain old confusion. On April Fools’ Day 2000, USA Today’s Cesar G. Soriano reported items from Grist’s special lineup of fake news which included pieces on Pamela Anderson hosting an Earth Day event and Ford’s new “Mastodon” SUV as if they were fact. Soriano didn’t laugh when he figured it out.

“I don’t care if Jesus Christ himself shows up to clean a river for [Grist],” he later wrote to Giller. “It won’t be published in my column.”

“Sometimes we run into problems with people who are too literal,” Giller grins. “But that’s not our audience.”

IT’S 10 a.m. on a cloudless, frigid October Monday, and sunlight is pouring into Grist’s modern eighth-floor offices, which are a mismatch with the classically ornate Dexter Horton Building. Grist’s staff of 20 moved into the airy, 5,000-square-foot space four months ago, and it still has that barely-lived-in look. The unadorned walls are splashed with shades of mango, cornflower, and cream. The beige carpet is spotless. The furniture is IKEA. Like everything in the nonprofit’s $2.5 million annual budget, it’s paid for by foundation grants, along with a dollop of reader donations and advertising.

Over in the large editorial wing, a windowed space with views of Mount Rainier, Roberts and senior editor Lisa Hymas, both in their early thirties, are supposed to be finalizing headlines for the Daily Grist, which is due to be posted on the home page and sent out in an e-mail newsletter in 15minutes. Roberts, artistically unkempt, wears a T-shirt emblazoned with a clenched fist and the sunburst slogan SOLAR POWER TO THE PEOPLE! The petite Hymas is braced against the chill in a heavy turtleneck sweater. They procrastinate by giving me a primer on Daily Grist headline history, delivered with the kind of freakish conversational coordination found in seven-year-old twins.

“It was a spur-of-the-moment idea,” Roberts says, “but it’s since become the calling card of the entire Grist operation.”

“It was kind of a fluke,” says Hymas.

“A fateful decision “

“Which haunts us to this day.”

“It seemed like a good idea five years ago,” sighs Roberts. “But 5,000 e-mails later . . .”

“There are only so many whale puns ” says Hymas.

“Or Canada puns “

“Or forest puns. We just keep hoping for a new global calamity that we haven’t punned out. Climate change is getting a little tough.”

“Somebody needs to screw up something else.”

Roberts and Hymas, one-fourth of Grist’s eight-person in-house editorial team, typify the talent Giller has cultivated since founding the site in 1999. Roberts was hired as an assistant editor in 2003, his salary provided in part by $35,000 in reader donations from the Grist Grapefruit Challenge, a pledge drive during which staffers ate nothing but grapefruit for two weeks. He quickly became a force behind the Gristmill blog and is now one of the site’s big guns: In 2006, he interviewed both Al Gore, who talked about An Inconvenient Truth, and Barack Obama, who discussed fuel-economy standards.

Hymas, who’s been with Grist off and on since the beginning, focuses on the site’s original content, which includes Muckraker, a political dispatch by Nashville-based Amanda Griscom Little (who also pens 国产吃瓜黑料’s Code Green column); Victual Reality, a weekly column about organic edibles; the Grist List, which celebrates green celebrities; and Ask Umbra.

Giller, meanwhile, spends much of his time selling donors on his ambitious expansion plans, which he refers to as Grist 2.0. His goal is to triple the site’s current readership by ramping up its lifestyle offerings adding a broad range of product reviews, along with personal ads and classifieds in a bid to appeal to the growing legion of sustainability-minded shoppers who support America’s $30 billion green market.

The buildup, which Giller says will require $10 million in new funding, will put Grist in competition for readers and ad dollars with for-profit sites like TreeHugger and Ideal Bite, which have developed robust followings by blogging about eco-friendly products. (Grist has collaborated with both sites on cross-promotions and content development.) Giller also wants to pump up Grist’s news resources. He envisions Grist as a one-stop portal that attracts and serves consumers, then uses serious journalism to convert them into activists.

At the moment, though, Roberts and Hymas still have to finish their headlines. Roberts is sprawled on a swivel chair behind Hymas, who’s seated at her Dell. First up is a promotional blurb seeking free labor for a Grist reader party next month in San Francisco. After several attempts to splice “volunteer” into the title of the Showtime hit Queer as Folk, inspiration strikes.

Sort of. They come up with: “We’re Here. Volunteer. Get Used to It.”

“Do it,” Roberts says, before telling me that part of his job is “to force Lisa to accept sub-optimal headlines in the service of getting the e-mail out.”

The struggle to save a rare Japanese wildcat gets slugged “Goodbye Kitty,” and advice on greening Halloween becomes “Boo-ty Call.” But there’s one title that won’t yield: a Grist interview with a woman named Billie Karel, who’s working to reduce schoolkids’ exposure to pesticides in North Carolina.

“Spray,” Hymas suggests. “You could play on the spray.”

“Don’t Save a Sprayer for Me Now,” Roberts says. Then he bursts into a falsetto version of Duran Duran’s 1982 hit “Save a Prayer.”

They sputter onward for a few minutes before settling on “Say It: Don’t Spray It.” But, clearly, no one is satisfied. And so, three days later, the second installment of the story is posted under the soap-opera sparkler “The Young and the Pestless.”

YOU EXPECT Chip Giller to be hilarious. He’s not, and maybe that’s for the best.

I’ve been invited to break bread and dip hummus with Giller at his 1908 farmhouse, perched above Quartermaster Harbor on Vashon Island, a rural bedroom community a half-hour ferry ride from downtown Seattle. This afternoon there’s a full table: Giller, his wife, Jenny, their infant daughter, Ellis (swaddled, naturally, in Seventh Generation chlorine-free diapers), and Ellis’s godmothers, Abbie and Ilene, who drove up from Portland for a surprise visit. The conversation skips lightly from only-in-Seattle concerns everyone at the Gates Foundation, where Jenny works, is stressed about giving away enough money to meet fourth-quarter goals to embarrassing tales of Giller’s childhood. Like how he used to write “Property of Future Senator Charles M. Giller” on his lunch bag, or the time in seventh grade when he dressed for Halloween as his idol, then Massachusetts governor Michael Dukakis.

The stories make sense. For a guy trying to cast himself as a new type of enviro, Giller with his moss-hued Dieter glasses, flannel shirts, Ecco shoes, and winsome smile is surprisingly, conventionally crunchy.

Raised in brainy Lexington, Massachusetts, he grew up reading Bloom County and his father’s copies of the Columbia Journalism Review. (Both his parents are serious news junkies.) By his freshman year at Brown, in 1989, his precocious wonkiness had taken on a deep-green hue. He grew his hair into a voluminous mane and embarked on quixotic crusades: scolding a housemate for wasting energy by plugging in his answering machine, lobbying the geology department to illuminate its prize moon-rock display with fluorescent bulbs, and carrying around all the weekly trash generated by a typical student in a clear plastic bag in order to shame his classmates into consuming less. “It wasn’t very persuasive,” he admits.

After graduating in 1993, he worked for eight months as a reporter at High Country News the Paonia, Colorado based biweekly that’s emerged as the environmental newspaper of the West then moved to Washington, D.C., to take a job at Greenwire, a technocratic policy newsletter. Giller and his cohorts would scour the dailies for stories, synthesize them, then fax bulletins to congressmen and agency bureaucrats. In short order, he became Greenwire‘s editor, but after three years of bone-dry policy coverage, he decided he wanted to start something “more accessible to the average Jane or Joe.”

The year was 1998, the Internet had exploded, and Giller convinced Denis Hayes an organizer of the original Earth Day in 1970 and one of Giller’s reporting sources to buy into his vision. Hayes raised several hundred thousand dollars to incubate what would become Grist at the Seattle offices of the nonprofit Earth Day Network. On April 17, 1999, Giller sent the first Grist e-mail digest out to 100 of his and Hayes’s closest friends, who just happened to include Bill McKibben, Phil Shabecoff a former New York Times environmental writer who published Greenwire and many other green bigwigs.

The list grew to 1,000 that September, then 10,000 the following June. In 2003, a $600,000 grant from the V. Kann Rasmussen Foundation allowed Grist to spin off as an independent nonprofit. The site has since scaled its readership by a factor of ten and now reaches millions more through weekly online syndication partnerships with MSNBC and Salon. Meanwhile, Giller has convinced a dozen foundations, including Ford, Geraldine R. Dodge, and the Schumann Center for Media and Democracy, to underwrite roughly 85 percent of Grist’s operating costs.

In short, a serious operation founded by a serious guy. So where did the humor come from? From Giller, though that wasn’t the original plan. He wrote the goofy headlines for the first e-mail in the middle of a rainy night, when he was exhausted. “I was just slap-happy,” he says.

GILLER AND I are seated inside the Starbucks in Seattle’s Pioneer Square, having just missed the five o’clock ferry to Vashon. It’s a fitting venue, since Starbucks will soon carry a quote from Giller on its recycled cups, as part of the company’s “The Way I See It” campaign.Giller spent the past three days weighing two alternatives, ultimately choosing this one:

So-called “global warming” is just a secret plot by wacko tree huggersto make America energy independent, clean our air and water, improve the fuel efficiency of ourvehicles, kick-start 21st-century industries, and make our cities safer and more livable. Don’t let them get away with it!

“With the other quote, we were trying too hard to figure out what would appeal to the Starbucks user,” Giller says, quickly adding, “I can’t believe I just called Starbucks customers users.”

Yet such marketing-speak rolls off Giller’s tongue with ease, and it illustrates his willingness to break from the environmental movement’s historical opposition to the commercial mainstream. “I had the opportunity to speak before the Sierra Club board a couple months ago,” Giller says between sips of hot cocoa. “I said, OK, there’s all this new energy around the environment. Look at what Wal-Mart is doing, and G.E. These companies aren’t perfect. And, yes, some of it is just greenwashing. But some of it is actual progress on these issues.’

“I don’t want to say I was the Antichrist,” he says, recalling some of the angry rebuttals his comments provoked. “But to some of the old guard, it’s anathema to be working with any corporation.”

The Sierra Club’s Carl Pope, who was present for Giller’s talk, describes this rift in theological terms. “Our movement has a great many people who would like to be Isaiah they’d like to stand on the outside and denounce evil.” He likens Grist to the Jesuits, who didn’t so much care whether their converts had mastered the ins and outs of Deuteronomy, as long as they were “facing the right god.”

“One of the interesting things that my generation screwed up,” Pope says, “is failing to understand that the future has never belonged to anything that called itself the counterculture.’ If environmentalists are ever going to get this right, it’s going to have to be by viewing our ideas as the ideas of the future.”

In Giller’s hopeful future, Grist will attract more and more “light greens” his label for interested but uncommitted environmentalists “and make them darker green over time.”

A generation after the stunning successes of the Endangered Species, Clean Air, and Clean Water acts, the big environmental groups have been stuck fighting defensive battles over regulatory arcana that, Giller says, have sent them “down a path of such wonkdom that they have started to lose their movement.” At the same time, millions of Americans are paying premium prices for organic tomatoes and thousands are filling their tanks with Willie Nelson branded biodiesel.

With Grist 2.0, Giller believes he can “bridge the gap” between this ascendent commercial culture of sustainability and old-school environmental policy. Readers will come for reviews of organic-cotton tank tops; they’ll hang around to read a critique of the McCain-Lieberman Climate Stewardship Act. Giller says he’s positioning Grist “to convene and mobilize the next generation of environmental activists.”

One big question in all this is how long the current wave of green cool will last. Environmentalists have had their pop-culture moments before you may remember rockin’ for the rainforest at a late-eighties Sting concert and even Giller concedes that “some of the glamour may depart.” But he wants Grist to lead the way to a moment when “green won’t be thought of as a segment’ but simply part of what’s expected.”

That’s a lot to ask from a Web site, but the pitch is working with funders. Giller has raised half of the $10 million he needs for Grist 2.0. The additional cash will allow him to hire beat writers to cover sustainable business, design, and celebrity culture, as well as launch product reviews of everything from clothing and appliances to cars and computers. In the meantime, Grist will soon roll out personals and green job listings.

Though he has no illusions about making the site profitable, Giller says diversifying revenue sources is essential if Grist is going to last. He believes advertisers could eventually cover40 percent of his budget right now it’s more like 10 percent with increased donations from a potential readership of two million also filling the bank.

In his fearless futurism, Giller is a classic Internet revolutionary: an expansive thinker, rapt by the potential of the medium to “change everything.” But there’s that tragic moment in so many Web tales, when Thinking Big crosses a line and becomes a form of self-aggrandizing groupthink, the kind that drove Pets.com stock to suicidal heights and convinced millions of Netroots liberals that Vermont governor Howard Dean was a giant-killer.

By attempting to make Grist all things to all green people, Giller may be heading down that road, too, though he insists that expansion makes perfect sense.

“There are a lot of people in our target= audience who just haven’t heard of us yet,” he says. “It’s not growth for growth’s sake it’s low-hanging fruit.”

ONE STRANGE THING about any Web-based movement is that the “tribes” they createare invisible. This leaves you wondering: Do these people actually exist?

In Grist’s case the answer is yes, as I witness two weeks after my Seattle visit at the “Meet, Eat, Drink” party for Gristies in San Francisco. Roughly 300 young, fashion-forward urban professionals are packed into an industrial studio in the SoMa district, chatting each other up under a giant steel dragonfly that sways to the beat above the DJ station. They’re quaffing Square One organic vodka and organic Mendocino merlot and loading their plates made of cane fiber recycled from sugar mills with skewers of organic chicken satay.

The average attendee seems to be a spunky, athletic 28-year-old woman who makes a good living in “the green space.” Like the tipsy Susannah Churchill, a renewable-energy analyst for the California Public Utilities Commission, who’s decked out in hip-huggers and a sheer pink tank-top and who declares, “I’m a clean-energy dork!” in such a disarming way that you wish the world were overflowing with clean-energy dorks. That is, until you get buttonholed by the hyperkinetic Mark Dixon, a nice guy who persists in detailing the plans of his YouTube-inspired site, YourEnviron- mentalRoadTrip.com.

I’m introduced to an Asian American woman known by her nom de blog, “green LA girl,” who uses her site to dish about “Fair Trade coffee and ethical consumerism in Los Angeles.” She drove up for the weekend in a vintage yellow Mercedes fueled by biodiesel, delivering the car to a friend who’d bought it on eBay. She’s wearing secondhand Prada, a recycled rubber belt, and a dazzling white overcoat. Like all the regular Grist readers I meet, she serves up a bite-size rave about the site.

“Zany and funny,” she says, “but it gives you all the information you’re not getting if you’re just reading the L.A. Times.”

I seek out one of the lonely graybeards in the crowd. Dwight Collins, a tweedy 60-year-old professor at the Presidio School of Management, which offers an M.B.A. program in sustainable business, confesses he’s never read Grist, but it’s clear to him that all these people are “part of the sustainability movement,” which he differentiates from the “environmental” movement.

How so? “Sustainability,” he says with a wink, “equals profit.”

At every turn, someone’s chatting up their business plan. It’s like the dot-com nineties again except that the familiar irrational exuberance is now juiced with altruism. Consider, for example, Amy Tucker, the nattily dressed inventor of a kids’ trading-card game called Xeko, which is like Pok茅mon, except Picachu is an endangered dwarf lemur, and the goal is to collect enough cards to build a complete “Xekosystem.”

The only partier I meet who’s second-guessing any of it is Anna Cummins, a 33-year-old from Santa Monica who runs BringYourOwn.org, which encourages you to lug reusable mugs and bags to caf茅s and markets.

“I love Grist,” she says, tipping back an organic IPA. “But there’s this strain in the green world of ‘Oh, you can consume. It’s OK, ‘coz its green.’ When, really, you just need to consume less. To me, that’s the one slight downfall of “

We’re interrupted by a Grist staffer at the microphone, thanking Square One, Clif Bar, Organic Vintners, Bison Brewery, and the other sponsors. The liquored crowd roars with approval. The staffer starts handing out T-shirts ans announces the grand-prize winner of the evening’s raffle, a six-month membership with car-share company Flexcar.

By now it’s 9 P.M. and the party is dying down. Green LA girl, her white coat stained with merlot, is gathering troops to go to a party hosted by Common Vission, a group that tours California in veggie-grease-powdered buses, planting friut saplings and teaching schoolkids about what its Web site calls “sustainable ecology, West African agricultural drumming, and earth-conscious hip-hop.”

“You want to go?” David Roberts asks Lisa Hymas.

“I don’t know,” she says with a grimace. “It’s a little too hippie for me.”

Roberts sees me taking notes, and his eyes widen in mock fear. “But, Lisa,” he says in his sternest Homer Simpson voice. “Remember? We lovvve hippies.”

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